Kontakty
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Přátelé svobodného Ruska
Přátelé svobodného Ruska věří myšlence svobodného a demokratického Ruska a propojují české politiky a neziskový sektor, podporují občanskou společnost a chtějí udržovat kontakty s demokraticky a svobodně smýšlejícími Rusy.
A recent investigation by IStories/Meduza points to growing paranoia and tension inside the Kremlin itself.![]()
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According to European intelligence sources cited in the report, Vladimir Putin increasingly fears not only external threats, but also the possibility of an assassination attempt or even a coup involving parts of the Russian elite. Security measures around the Russian leadership have reportedly been tightened significantly in recent months - including reinforced air defence around Moscow, expanded personal protection, stricter internal controls, and growing surveillance within the political and security apparatus itself.![]()
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What is particularly striking is the direction of this growing fear. The regime’s attention appears to be shifting increasingly inward. The main source of anxiety no longer seems to be limited to NATO, Ukraine, or the “collective West”, but potentially Russia’s own elite circles, security structures, and political apparatus. The picture that emerges is one of growing mistrust, fragmentation, and latent fear at the very center of the system.![]()
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This broader atmosphere may also help explain Russia’s recently announced “Victory Day ceasefire”. The proposal may reflect not only political messaging, but also concerns surrounding the security of the Victory Parade itself - one of the central symbolic events of the Russian political system. The very fact that such measures appear necessary could itself be interpreted as a sign of growing nervousness about the regime’s ability to fully guarantee security even in the Russian capital. In that sense, the ceasefire proposal may also be linked to a desire to avoid any public demonstration of vulnerability or weakness during one of the Kremlin’s most important political spectacles.![]()
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Authoritarian systems often appear strongest externally precisely when internal confidence is already eroding. Expanding security measures, growing internal surveillance, and visible nervousness at the top are not necessarily signs of stability - they can also indicate a system becoming increasingly preoccupied with its own internal vulnerabilities.“
There is something symbolic in how rituals change under pressure.![]()
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For decades, Russia’s May 9 Victory Day parade has been a performance of power - tanks on Red Square, a display of military strength. This year, that image is quietly shifting.![]()
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The Kremlin says the scaled-down 2026 parade is due to Ukrainian attacks and the fact that the date is “not a jubilee.” But the explanation feels secondary. What matters is the change itself.![]()
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For the first time since the full-scale invasion, the parade will reportedly proceed without military hardware.![]()
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Officially, it’s about “operational conditions.” In reality, it points to something more: vulnerability.![]()
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Victory Day has long linked past and present, reinforcing a narrative of strength. But when current events begin to reshape even this ritual, the message changes.![]()
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The absence of equipment speaks louder than its presence.![]()
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It suggests that the war is no longer distant enough to keep appearances intact - and that reality is beginning to break through even the most controlled symbols.![]()
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A tale of “Good Tsars and Bad Boyars”![]()
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Viktoriya Bonya, a Russian media personality living on the French Riviera, recently published a video addressing a range of issues in Russia - from ecological damage in the Black Sea to restrictions on internet access. Her appeal followed a familiar pattern: criticizing concrete problems while addressing Putin directly, separating from those responsible.![]()
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What made this case different was not the content, but the scale. The video generated millions of reactions and expressions of support. It was not the platform that mattered - but the level of public resonance.![]()
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The reaction from official channels was notable. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov responded in a polite and measured tone - if ultimately non-committal. Similar concerns raised by affected groups within Russia often receive no response at all.![]()
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A very different reaction came from the propagandist Vladimir Solovyov. One of the regime’s most prominent media figures, he responded in his characteristic style: vulgar, openly misogynistic, and personally degrading. The rhetoric itself was not new - but the reaction to it was. The language went beyond ordinary political polemics, explicitly targeting Bonya as a woman and her personal dignity.![]()
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Faced with massive backlash - and Bonya’s call for a collective legal complaint - Solovyov retreated, offering a pseudo-apology and attempting to reframe the episode as a matter of semantics.![]()
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The issues Bonya raised are neither new nor exceptional. Yet her intervention triggered responses from both official and unofficial actors. Responsiveness, in this case, appears less tied to the substance of criticism than to visibility and public resonance.![]()
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The episode highlights a broader pattern: political communication increasingly operates through personalities and ad hoc reactions rather than institutional channels. In that sense, the case reveals a system in which criticism is not consistently suppressed - but selectively processed.![]()
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www.dw.com/ru/obrasenie-viktorii-boni-k-putinu-kommenty-daze-vaznee-posta/a-76878304![]()
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www.svoboda.org/a/solovjyov-pozorit-prezidenta/33736178.html![]()
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www.youtube.com/watch?v=cAm5xv_4rTw![]()
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meduza.io/feature/2026/04/21/vse-chego-vy-dobietes-eto-nastoyaschiy-zhenskiy-bunt
Aesop’s “The Lion and the Mouse” - The Hungarian Epilogue?![]()
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Hungary’s recent parliamentary elections may mark more than just a domestic political shift. The opposition movement Tisza (“Freedom and Respect”), led by Péter Magyar, secured a decisive victory, bringing Viktor Orbán’s 16-year rule to an end and opening the door to a political reorientation.![]()
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For years, Orbán positioned himself as one of Moscow’s closest partners within the European Union—blocking or delaying common positions, challenging sanctions, and cultivating a visibly close relationship with Vladimir Putin. The underlying assumption seemed clear: proximity to the “lion” carries political value.![]()
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Yet when it mattered most - at the ballot box - that relationship appears to have offered little protection. Despite reports of extensive Russian efforts to support Orbán’s position, they were neither sufficient to neutralize domestic dissatisfaction nor to secure another electoral victory.![]()
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More broadly, this suggests that external backing from Russia, even when substantial, does not necessarily translate into electoral success. On the contrary, it may even become a liability when alignment or dependence become too visible.![]()
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The fable, in this sense, takes on a different meaning. The mouse may align itself closely with the lion, act in its interest, and rely on its strength. But when confronted with its own immediate political survival, the lion proves unable to intervene in ways that actually matter for the mouse.![]()
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Not because it does not want to - but because it cannot![]()
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www.youtube.com/watch?v=xSfwEv6Cp2s![]()
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www.bloomberg.com/news/newsletters/2026-04-13/magyar-ousts-orban-and-pledges-closer-ties-to-europ...![]()
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vsquare.org/putins-gru-linked-election-fixers-are-already-in-budapest-to-help-orban/
As Hungary Ejects Orban, His Successor Pledges a Return to Europe
www.bloomberg.com
Peter Magyar’s sweeping victory is a relief for the EU and a blow to the global right
Včera nám bylo velkou ctí a potěšením, že jsme mohli s Přátelé svobodného Ruska podpořit promítání Mr. Nobody Against Putin, které zorganizovaly dvě naše členky Gabriela Svárovská - Zelení a Katerina Demetrashvili.![]()
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Na setkání dorazila také celá řada našich členů a podporovatelů, včetně Jan Lipavský, Martin Exner, František Kopřiva nebo @Jakub Krainer.![]()
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Děkujeme za pozvání a budeme se těšit na další akce na půdě našeho parlamentu! ![]()
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Diskuze s Pavlem Talankinem a Radovanem Sibrtem byla vážně zajímavá a obohacující!